ABSTRACT
This overview of the existing political analysis of carbon markets identifies three broad strands in the literature. The first is concerned with the processes by which particular carbon market schemes are established. The second focuses on the role of particular actors in the creation of carbon markets. The third strand assesses carbon markets on efficiency, legitimacy or justice grounds. This existing literature is contrasted with the framework developed by the contributions to this volume. Broadly drawing on constructivist and poststructuralist approaches, the carbon economy is deconstructed, its history scrutinised and the practices and technologies that have been used to bring these markets into being are highlighted. Thus it is demonstrated that politics is not limited to the policy process leading up to the decision to implement an emissions trading scheme or offset mechanism, but is also present in the forms of knowledge claims that underpin these markets, as well as the various daily practices that constitute them.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Background of the study
Forest Conservation is the maintenance of the worlds‟ tree cover in forest area. Forest area is defined as land under natural or planted stands of trees at least 5M SQ whether productive or not and excludes tree stands in agricultural productive systems (Fruit plantations and agro forestry system) and trees in urban parks and gardens(Nigeria Forest Act 2013). Forests play a crucial role in the lives of the communities and various Nations, such as: Source for timber/Firewood, traditional herbs among Other Cultural importance. It is also important in: nutrient Cycling, Soil formation, oxygen production, home for wildlife, soil erosion barriers, and Water reservoir for other forms of diversity. Forest Conservation therefore employs various strategies to achieve its targets amid various societal, political and Cultural affiliations that are largely dependent on the forests. Historicaly, Conservation strategies has been dominated by attempts to fence off or reserve areas by excluding people from the reserved areas(Adams and Holme 2001) ,a model called fortress conservation. It involved creation of Parks, forest reserves, and prevention and exclusion of people as residents and minimize consumptive use (Brown, 2002).
Over the past 15 years carbon markets have become a dominant part of the policy approach to address greenhouse gas mitigation in many countries. Carbon markets constitute the central elements of the Kyoto Protocol – specifically the intergovernmental emissions trading scheme (ETS), the Joint Implementation (JI) and Clean Development Mechanisms (CDM) – and the EU ETS is at the heart of the European Union’s climate policy. Furthermore an emissions trading system is currently the only economy-wide climate policy that has any chance of being implemented in the United States – even though so far, this has only happened on a regional level (in the north-eastern states via the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative). Trading schemes have also been implemented in Japan, New Zealand and New South Wales (Betsill and Hofmann 2011). Beyond that, there has been a smaller voluntary carbon market, which provides companies, organisations and individuals with offsets for their emissions in the absence of any reduction requirements (as well as, via the no longer operational Chicago Climate Exchange, a voluntary cap and trade system).
While carbon markets have been the dominant policy response, the carbon economy currently looks bleak. In the absence of a post-Kyoto agreement and no binding global targets beyond 2012, it is unclear whether there will be an enduring demand for CERs, ERUs or AAUs – the emissions reduction commodities created through the Kyoto Protocol.1 The Durban Platform has given a temporary lifeline to the CDM, but its longer-term future is far from certain. This uncertainty about the future of the markets, in combination with recurrent fears about over-allocation within the EU ETS as well as the impact of the recession on emissions themselves, have kept carbon prices at relatively low levels.
Even though the current situation looks gloomy, it seems rather unlikely that this will result in an abandoning of carbon markets. Quite the contrary: a number of developments point to further expansion, despite the absence of a binding international agreement. Several initiatives are currently underway that will in the near- or mid-term future result in the creation of new domestic markets: California has approved its emissions trading scheme scheduled to come online in 2013, and other members of the Western Climate Initiative, notably Que´ bec, Ontario and British Columbia, may well join it at that point or shortly afterwards. Australia’s scheme came into effect on 1 July 2012. Eight developing and emerging economies – Chile, China, Columbia, Costa Rica, Indonesia, Mexico, Thailand, and Turkey – have been allocated grants through the World Bank’s Partnership for Market Readiness to devise domestic trading schemes (World Bank 2011), while South Korea is an advanced state of planning for a scheme due to be implemented in 2015. In addition, the efforts to device a mechanism for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD ) will possibly result in a new carbon offset mechanism of significant size (see Stephan this issue).
Statement of the problem
There is now a substantial literature on carbon markets. Interestingly, however, there has been surprisingly little published within the pages of Environmental Politics. All we have is two articles on the Kyoto mechanisms (Schmitz and Michaelowa 2005, Shin 2010), one on the EU ETS (Damro and Luaces Me´ ndez 2003), one on the role of carbon trading in the 2010 Australian election (Rootes 2011), and one on intergenerational justice implications of cap and trade systems (Schuppert 2011). Beyond that, there are occasional mentions in the context of more general articles on the Kyoto Protocol, European climate policy, or similar. So in one sense, the aim of this volume Is to engage carbon markets strictly in relation to debates of interest to those in the field of environmental politics, in order to fill this rather surprising gap (especially given the number of articles in closely related journals, on which more below).
Of course there is plenty within the field on which the focus on carbon market politics can draw. Closely related debates about ecological modernisa- tion (e.g. Mol 1996, Christoff 1996, Warner 2010) and new environmental policy instruments (NEPI) (Jordan et al. 2003) are particularly relevant. Carbon markets can clearly be seen as part of such novel instruments (alongside voluntary agreements, public–private partnerships, and so on), or what Albert Weale (1992) 20 years ago called ‘the new politics of pollution’, in that they reflect the search to go beyond end-of-pipe regulatory measures and operate via economic incentives to achieve environmental goals. They can also be seen as part of a broader ecological modernisation process, notably because they reflect the broad discursive shift which rejects a strict opposition between economic growth and sustainability, and because they directly entail the generation of growth sectors (specifically carbon market financial instruments but also carbon offset projects) that are designed (at least rhetorically) to be organised around the decarbonisation of the (global) economy, Decentralization/Organisational participation in international carbon trading through formation of CFA in Kaberua and other regions so as to involve people in the conservation of the forest, but the fundamental causes of encroachment of the forest are not clear. It is against this ground that the study will focus on investigating factors influencing conservation of Enugu Forest.
The purpose of this study was to investigate The politics of conservation using international carbon trading to protect forest and biodiversity
The following objectives were used to guide the study.
1. To determine how Decentralization of forest management practices influence conservation of Mt Elgon forest.
2. To determine the extent in which organisational participation in international carbon trading influence conservation of Enugu forest.
3. To determine how awareness of international carbon trading influence conservation of Enugu forest.
4. To establish how international carbon trading system‟ influence conservation of Enugu forest.
The study sought to answer the following questions:
1. To what extent does decentralization of forest management practices influence conservation of Enugu forest?
2. How does organisational participation in international carbon trading influence conservation of Enugu Forest?
3. To what extent does awareness of international carbon trading influence conservation of Mt Elgon forest?
4. How does‟international carbon trading system‟ influence conservation of Enugu forest?
The study is significant in various ways:
The Ministry of forestry and Natural resources may use this study finding to be able to find out the causal factors that works against conservation of the forest. Alongside that, the Ministry through EFD shall be able to strengthen the CFA through formulation of a proper working structure and policy to ensure proper organisational participation in international carbon trading in Conservation of the Forest alongside carrying out civic education on the relevance of conserving the forest.
The Government of Nigeria may use the research findings to make substantive budgetary allocation geared towards forest conservation alongside partnering with bilateral and multilateral organization like World Bank and IMF to support the forest conservation programs in the country. The GOK may use the findings also to shape up the curriculum on environmental conservation in light with the conditions of our forests. This shall result into skilled practitioners on forest conservation.
The NGO‟S dealing with the forest conservation may use the findings to engage in activities geared towards enforcing the conservation policy alongside carrying out further Civic education.
To the researchers, these findings shall aid them in Carrying out further research on forest conservation. In addition to, the researchers shall further their knowledge on the nature of our forests alongside the conservation programs.
Limitations
This research was carried out in Enugu District whose geography is rugged and the nature of the land topography makes other areas inaccessible. The social-economic culture and subsequent notion of the forest being a hide out of the militia groups such as: SLDF makes the area unique from other Districts in Nigeria. This makes the researcher to caution that the research findings were cautiously generalized
Secondly, the factors that are being investigated as per the objectives such as: Decentralization Management practices, organisational participation in international carbon trading, awareness of international carbon trading and „international carbon trading system‟ are only handful causal factors influencing conservation of Enugu Forest. Others may include: the medicinal value of the trees, poverty, Cultural practices and other illicit agricultural practices that have not been included in the study.
Delimitation of the study
This study was only undertaken in 6 Sub-Location in the respective Locations totaling to 6 in Enugu District. The reasons for the above are as follows: The Areas borders the forest and human activities have adverse impacts on the forest than other areas that are away from the forest, Secondly, there are other activities such as „International carbon trading system‟ do exist in Kamuneru and Kaboywo.CFA have been formed in Kaberua ;activities which influence forest conservation
.This is not to mean these are the only factors that influence conservation of the forest ,there could be other factors in other locations which could adversely affect the study findings.
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